Abstract:
Similar to the former United States of America President Barack Obama, who was frequently challenged about his racial origin due to his biracial heritage, US Senator Kamala D. Harris encountered parallel critiques and scrutiny. Her “Blackness” was a central topic during her 2019-2020 US Presidential Campaign. If race is a binary social construct, then as a marker for identifying as an African-American, Kamala Harris’ navigated membership into a Historically Black Sorority, Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Incorporated at its founding place, a Historically Black College & University - Howard University. Even though the nine Historically Black Sororities and Fraternities have a collective legacy of civil engagement involving the fight for Civil and Voting Rights for African-Americans and women, the organizations, and their prominent members, have contributed to US American society within all areas of public and private life.Those contributions have all been largely ignored until Senator Kamala D. Harris demonstrated their value in her presidential campaign. Through this qualitative study of utilizing political mobilization theory, this study will analyze how Senator Kamala D. Harris utilized AKA in her presidential campaign to establish her authenticity as an African-American, while also illuminating the political prowess, power, and impact of the Divine Nine in US American politics.
Abstract:
African Americans have been a large voting block for Democratic candidates for over fifty years. This is especially true in Maryland, which over 90% of African Americans actually vote for Democratic candidates. Michael Steele, who was the Lieutenant Governor, decided to run for a US Congressional Senate seat in 2006. His campaign led to question: Do African American voters identify more with the Democratic Party than an African American candidate? The underlying and most powerful question is: How much does race matter in politics when voters decide whom to vote for?
Previous research is rooted in discovering what circumstances whites would vote for a black candidate. In addition, the candidates would be black Democrats and not black Republicans. This is a research outline that would fill an empty gap within the literature that would evaluate what circumstances would blacks vote for a black republican candidate in a predominantly democratic district. Essentially, how can Republicans target enough African American voters to switch from the Democratic Party and vote for an African American Republican candidate?
Abstract:
The 2008 Presidential General Election became one against an African-American and a Caucasian male. There are a number of studies that support Sigelman and Welch (1984) findings of white men would be more likely to vote for a white male, whereas a black male will strongly vote for a black male. Other studies find that there are times that white voters will switch and vote for a black candidate under other conditions. According to Liu (2001), whites will “form a strategic vote” in order to vote for the candidate that they felt to most strongly support their issues.[1] However, this mostly occurs when the only options are all black candidates, thus whites are forced to pick between black candidates. Many studies reveal that it is utterly difficult to gain white voters during a campaign in which there is a black candidate versus a white candidate. Besides rare occasions, the only time this can occur is if the black candidate is an incumbent, then they are more likely to be favored over a white candidate.
There are also party considerations when understanding under which circumstances can a black candidate beat a white candidate. Black Democrats have a higher chance of beating a white Democrat or Republican than a Black Republican.[2] Not only does party matter, but the level of black density within the voting district matters. This idea is called the black threat hypothesis. However, in some studies, having a high concentration of blacks within a voting district can generate a higher level of crossover voting amongst whites.[3] Both of these conclusions contrast each other, so this study is not going to look at which one is correct, rather it will explore if racial rhetoric in presidential campaign ads was used for voter persuasion that can insight black threat or a crossover of white voters. However, this study does not attempt to evaluate the rhetoric’s effectiveness, but I will solely look at the presidential candidates use of racial coded words that were designated for a certain demographic of people that the code words would resonate with among voters in order to calm black threat and increase white male voters. T
Abstract:
How did the Black Lives Matter movement created a network of constituencies that allowed them to re-shape the LA District Attorney Election and upsetting the first African American female who was LA District Attorney. This network allowed a redefinition of Black representation did not equate to 'freeing' Black people; therefore, the result was a successful political mobilization that demonstrated their political power in local elections.
The American Voter (1960) set the foundation of how much Americans know about their government through extensive survey data. The American Voter (2008) was an update of the previous seminale work, as both examined partisanship. Since the 1960s, partisanship has been thoroughly studied (studies) to show that political parties do not matter (studies) or that the political climate is more tense (studies). Yet, the future of the Republican and Democratic parties are held within newly registered members to these parties. Through examining student responses in a conservative area of Southern California from 2020-2024, neither Republican and Democratic Parties are understanding the needs of voters. After students self-identified how their most important issues align with the Republican and Democratic Parties' platform, the Republican Party is consistently underperforming amongst 18-25 individuals.